Monticello, April 22,
1820.
I thank you, dear Sir, for the copy you have been so kind as
to send me of the letter to your constituents on the Missouri question. It is a
perfect justification to them. I had for a long time ceased to read newspapers,
or pay any attention to public affairs, confident they were in good hands, and
content to be a passenger in our bark to the shore from which I am not distant.
But this momentous question, like a fire-bell in the night, awakened and filled
me with terror. I considered it at once as the knell of the Union. It is
hushed, indeed, for the moment. But this is a reprieve only, not a final
sentence. A geographical line, coinciding with a marked principle, moral and
political, once conceived and held up to the angry passions of men, will never
be obliterated; and every new irritation will mark it deeper and deeper. I can
say, with conscious truth, that there is not a man on earth who would sacrifice
more than I would to relieve us from this heavy reproach, in any practicable
way. The cession of that kind of property, for so it is misnamed, is a
bagatelle which would not cost me a second thought, if, in that way, a general
emancipation and expatriation could be effected; and, gradually, and with due
sacrifices, I think it might be. But as it is, we have the wolf by the ears,
and we can neither hold him, nor safely let him go. Justice is in one scale,
and self-preservation in the other. Of one thing I am certain, that as the
passage of slaves from one State to another, would not make a slave of a single
human being who would not be so without it, so their diffusion over a greater
surface would make them individually happier, and proportionally facilitate the
accomplishment of their emancipation, by dividing the burden on a greater
number of coadjutors. An abstinence too, from this act of power, would remove
the jealousy excited by the undertaking of Congress to regulate the condition
of the different descriptions of men composing a State. This certainly is the
exclusive right of every State, which nothing in the Constitution has taken
from them and given to the General Government. Could Congress, for example,
say, that the non-freemen of Connecticut shall be freemen, or that they shall
not emigrate into any other State?
I regret that I am now to die in the belief, that the
useless sacrifice of themselves by the generation of 1776, to acquire self-government
and happiness to their country, is to be thrown away by the unwise and unworthy
passions of their sons, and that my only consolation is to be, that I live not
to weep over it. If they would but dispassionately weigh the blessings they
will throw away, against an abstract principle more likely to be effected by
union than by scission, they would pause before they would perpetrate this act
of suicide on themselves, and of treason against the hopes of the world. To
yourself, as the faithful advocate of the Union, I tender the offering of my
high esteem and respect.
TH. JEFFERSON
SOURCE: Thomas Jefferson Randolph, Editor, Memoirs, Correspondence and Private Papers
of Thomas Jefferson, Late President of the United States, Volume 4, p.
332-3
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