Saturday, February 9, 2019

John Adams to Abigail Smith Adams, July 7, 1774

Falmouth, 7 July, 1774.

Have you seen a list of the addressers of the late Governor?1 There is one abroad, with the character, profession, or occupation of each person against his name. I have never seen it, but Judge Brown says against the name of Andrew Faneuil Phillips is “Nothing.” And that Andrew, when he first heard of it, said, “Better be nothing with one side than everything with the other.”

This was witty and smart, whether Andrew said it or what is more likely, it was made for him. A notion prevails among all parties that it is politest and genteelest to be on the side of administration; that the better sort, the wiser few, are on one side, and that the multitude, the vulgar, the herd, the rabble, the mob only, are on the other. So difficult is it for the frail, feeble mind of man to shake itself loose from all prejudice and habits. However, Andrew or his prompter is perfectly right in his judgment, and will finally be proved to be, so that the lowest on the Tory scale will make it more for his interest than the highest on the Whiggish. And as long as a man adheres immovably to his own interest and has understanding or lucky enough to secure and promote it, he will have the character of a man of sense, and will be respected by a selfish world. I know of no better reason for it than this, that most men are conscious that they aim at their own interest only, and that if they fail it is owing to short sight or ill luck, and therefore they can't blame, but secretly applaud, admire, and sometimes envy those whose capacities have proved greater and fortunes more prosperous.

I am engaged in a famous cause, — the cause of King, of Scarborough, versus a mob that broke into his house and rifled his papers and terrified him, his wife, children and servants in the night. The terror and distress, the distraction and horror of his family cannot be described by words or painted upon canvas. It is enough to move a statue, to melt a heart of stone, to read the story. A mind susceptible of the feelings of humanity, a heart which can be touched with sensibility for human misery and wretchedness, must reluct, must burn with resentment and indignation at such outrageous injuries. These private mobs I do and will detest.2 If popular commotions can be justified in opposition to attacks upon the Constitution, it can be only when fundamentals are invaded, nor then unless for absolute necessity, and with great caution. But these tarrings and featherings, this breaking open houses by rude and insolent rabble in resentment for private wrongs, or in pursuance of private prejudices and passions, must be discountenanced. It cannot be even excused upon any principle which can be entertained by a good citizen, a worthy member of society.

Dined with Mr. Collector Francis Waldo,3 Esquire, in company with Mr. Winthrop, the two Quincys, and the two Sullivans, all very social and cheerful — full of politics. S. Quincy's tongue ran as fast as anybody's. He was clear in it, that the House of Commons had no right to take money out of our pockets more than any foreign state; repeated large paragraphs from a publication of Mr. Burke's in 1766, and large paragraphs from Junius Americanus, etc. This is to talk and to shine before persons who have no capacity of judging, and who do not know that he is ignorant of every rope in the ship.4

I shan't be able to get away till next week. I am concerned only in two or three cases, and none of them are come on yet. Such an Eastern circuit I never made. I shall bring home as much as I brought from home, I hope, and not much more, I fear. I go mourning in my heart all the day long, though I say nothing. I am melancholy for the public and anxious for my family. As for myself, a frock and trousers, a hoe and a spade would do for my remaining days.

For God's sake make your children hardy, active, and industrious; for strength, activity and industry will be their only resource and dependence.
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1 There were addresses presented to the new Governor, Gage, on his arrival, which was noticed with much pomp. He landed at the end of Long Wharf, and was escorted by the Council and Magistracy, the troops, and the Cadets, to the State House, where a public dinner was given to him.

But the addresses referred to here were made to the out-going Governor, Hutchinson, who was about to embark on that expedition to the mother country intended only as a visit, but which proved a final exile. One hundred and twenty-three of the merchants and traders, twenty-four members of the bar, and all of the Episcopal ministers and wardens in Boston signed these papers. These lists embraced a considerable part of the gentlemen of property and standing, who give the tone to society, even when they fail to affect popular opinion.

2 Richard King was a successful merchant at Scarborough, with leaning towards the Government, to whom many people had become indebted beyond their ability to pay. Taking advantage of the disorders occasioned by the passage of the Stamp Act, a party, disguised as Indians, on the night of the 16th of March, 1766, broke into his store and his dwelling-house also, and destroyed all his books and papers containing evidence of debts. Not content with this, they laid waste his property and threatened his life if he should venture to seek any legal mode of redress. Many of the perpetrators were, however, detected and brought to justice. This suit seems to have been one of the consequences.

The popular bitterness thus engendered had not, however, subsided, at the date of this letter, and the slight incident occurred which soon caused it once more to break out. A vessel of Mr. King's was found to have delivered a load of lumber in Boston by special license, after the port had been closed, and the materials had been purchased for the use of the troops. On this occasion forty men from the neighboring town of Gorham came over and compelled Mr. King in fear of his life to make a disavowal of his opinions.

These repeated shocks seem to have been too much for Mr. King's constitution. He became distempered in mind, and died in the following March.

3 Mr. Waldo had ceased to be Collector at the date of this letter. But he adhered to the royal cause, and as a consequence became an exile the next year. His estate was confiscated, and he died in London in 1782.

4 This judgment appears from subsequent events, to have been well founded. For Mr. Quincy when put to the test showed no confidence in the correctness of his reasoning. He took office under the crown, and in less than two years after the date of this letter left the country as an exile. He died in the island of Antigua in 1789.

SOURCE: Charles Francis Adams, Familiar Letters of John Adams and His Wife Abigail Adams, During the Revolution, p. 18-21

Lieutenant-Colonel George Washington to Acting Governor Robert Dinwiddie,* April 25, 1754

Will's Creek, 25 April, 1754.
Sir,

Captain Trent's ensign, Mr. Ward, has this day arrived from the Fork of the Monongahela, and brings the disagreeable account, that the fort, on the 17th instant, was surrendered at the summons of Monsieur Contrecœur to a body of French, consisting of upwards of one thousand men, who came from Venango with eighteen pieces of cannon, sixty batteaux, and three hundred canoes. They gave him liberty to bring off all his men and working-tools, which he accordingly did the same day.

Immediately upon this information I called a council of war, to advise on proper measures to be taken in this exigency. A copy of their resolves, with the proceedings, I herewith enclose by the bearer, whom I have continued express to your Honor for more minute intelligence.

Mr. Ward has the summons with him, and a speech from the Half-King,* which I also enclose, with the wampum. He is accompanied by one of the Indians mentioned therein, who were sent to see where we were, what was our strength, and to know the time to expect us out. The other young man I have prevailed upon to return to the Half-King with the following speech.

“Sachems, Warriors of the Six United Nations, Shannoahs, and Delawares, our friends and brethren. I received your speech by the Buck's brother [Mr. Ward], who came to us with the two young men five sleeps after leaving you. We return you thanks from hearts glowing with affection for your steadfast adherence to us, for your kind speech, and for your wise counsels and directions to the Buck's brother.

“The young man will inform you where he met a small part of our army advancing towards you, clearing the road for a great number of our warriors, who are immediately to follow with our great guns, our ammunition, and our provisions.

“I could not delay to let you know our hearts, and have sent back one of the young men with this speech to acquaint you with them. I have sent the other, according to your desire, to the governor of Virginia, with the Buck's brother, to deliver your speech and wampum, and to be an eyewitness of the preparations we are making to come in haste to support you, whose interest is as dear to us as our lives. We resent the usage of the treacherous French, and our conduct will henceforth plainly show you how much we have it at heart.

“I cannot be easy without seeing you before our forces meet at the fork of the roads, and therefore I have the greatest desire that you and Escuniate, or one of you, should meet me on the road as soon as possible to assist us in council.
“To assure you of the good will we bear you, and to confirm the truth of what has been said, I herewith present to you a string of wampum, that you may thereby remember how much I am your brother and friend.”

I hope my proceedings in these affairs will be satisfactory to your Honor, as I have, to the utmost of my knowledge, consulted the interest of the expedition and good of my country; whose rights, while they are asserted in so just a cause, I will defend to the last remains of life.

Hitherto the difficulties I have met with in marching have been greater, than I expect to encounter on the Ohio, when possibly I may be surrounded by the enemy, and these difficulties have been occasioned by those, who, had they acted as becomes every good subject, would have exerted their utmost abilities to forward our just designs. Out of seventy-four wagons impressed at Winchester, we got but ten after waiting a week, and some of those so badly provided with teams, that the soldiers were obliged to assist them up the hills, although it was known they had better teams at home. I doubt'not that in some points I may have strained the law; but I hope, as my sole motive was to expedite the march, I shall be supported in it, should my authority be questioned, which at present I do not apprehend, unless some busybody intermeddles.1

Your Honor will see by the resolves in council, that I am destined to the Monongahela with all the diligent despatch in my power. We will endeavour to make the road sufficiently good for the heaviest artillery to pass, and, when we arrive at Red-stone Creek, fortify our selves as strongly as the short time will allow. I doubt not that we can maintain a possession there, till we are reinforced, unless the rising of the waters shall admit the enemy's cannon to be conveyed up in canoes, and then I flatter myself we shall not be so destitute of intelligence, as not to get timely notice of it, and make a good retreat.

I hope you will see the absolute necessity for our having, as soon as our forces are collected, a number of cannon, some of heavy metal, with mortars and grenadoes to attack the French, and put us on an equal footing with them.

Perhaps it may also be thought advisable to invite the Cherokees, Catawbas, and Chickasaws to march to our assistance, as we are informed that six hundred Chippewas and Ottawas are marching down Scioto Creek to join the French, who are coming up the Ohio. In that case I would beg leave to recommend their being ordered to this place first, that a peace may be concluded between them and the Six Nations; for I am informed by several persons, that, as no good harmony subsists between them, their coming first to the Ohio may create great disorders, and turn out much to our disadvantage.

As I had opportunities I wrote to the governors of Maryland and Pennsylvania, acquainting them with these advices, and enclosed the summons and Indian speech, which I hope you will not think me too forward in doing. I considered that the Assembly of Maryland was to sit in five days, that the Pennsylvania Assembly is now sitting, and that, by giving timely notice, something might be done in favor of this expedition, which now requires all the force we can muster.2

By the best information I can get, I much doubt whether any of the Indians will be in to treat in May. Are the Indian women and children, if they settle amongst us, to be maintained at our expense? They will expect it. I have the honor to be, &,c.
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The position occupied by Captain Trent's men was at the junction of the Monongahela and Allegany Rivers (now Pittsburg), which had been visited by Major Washington on his mission from the governor of Virginia to the French, and which he described in his Journal as well situated for a fort. The Ohio Company had already a small establishment there. When Contrecœur appeared before the fort, very little progress had been in the work. Captain Trent was absent at Will's Creek, and Lieutenant Frazier was at his residence ten miles distant . Ensign Ward, therefore, was left in the command. His whole number of men amounted only to forty-one.

Contrecœur approached within a short distance of the fort, halted his troops, and sent in an officer with a summons, allowing Ensign Ward an hour to consider the subject, and directing him then to repair to the French camp with his determination in writing. He immediately counselled with the Indians, and the Half-King advised him to inform the French, that he was not an officer of rank, nor invested with powers to answer their demands, and to request them to wait the arrival of the chief commander. He went accordingly with this reply to the French camp, accompanied by the Half-King; but Contrecœur refused to wait, and demanded an immediate decision, saying that he should otherwise take possession of the fort by force. Hereupon a capitulation was agreed to, and Ensign Ward marched off his men the next day, and ascended the Monongahela to the mouth of Red-stone Creek. Contrecœur invited him to supper the evening of the capitulation, and treated him with much civility.

A full narrative of the particulars was given under oath by Ensign Ward to Governor Dinwiddie, who communicated it to the English government The original is now in the Plantation Office, where it was examined by the editor. This seizure of a post by a military force was considered, at the time, as the first overt act of hostility in the memorable war which followed, and which raged for seven years both in Europe and America.

* A Chief of the Six Nations, devoted to the interests of the English.

1 By the militia law of Virginia the commander could impress provisions, boats, wagons, draft-horses, utensils, tools, and the like, necessary to facilitate military movements and operations. But no article could be impressed, till its value had been appraised, and an estimate of the proper allowance for its daily use had been made, by two reputable persons under oath. A receipt for the same was then to be given in writing to the owner, by the commanding officer.— Hening's Statutes at Large, Vol. VI. p. 114. Under the difficulties of the service mentioned in the text, it was doubtless not possible to comply literally in every instance with these formalities of the law.

Although the troops now raised were volunteers, and enlisted for a special purpose, yet they were regulated in every respect by the militia laws of the colony. This was the cause of great inconvenience and embarrassment to Washington afterwards, particularly in regard to discipline, as the militia laws were extremely ill suited to an army in active service.

2 Governor Dinwiddie had likewise written to the governors of all the provinces, from New York to South Carolina, setting forth the alarming state of affairs in Virginia, and pressing for assistance. But nothing was done. Several of the governors brought the matter before their Assemblies, with moving appeals to their patriotism and sympathy. The evil .was too distant to be felt, and was little heeded. The Assemblies of New York and Pennsylvania, and some persons in that of Virginia, professed to doubt, whether his Majesty's dominions actually extended to the French encroachments. Governor Glen of South Carolina was perplexed with similar misgivings. This idea was shocking to the zeal and loyalty of Dinwiddie and others, who supposed the question of right to have been put at rest by the treaties of Utrecht and Aix-la-Chapelle, and by certain diplomatic arrangements with the Indians of recent date. — Review of Military Operations in North America, p. 10. — Votes of the Assembly of Pennsylvania, Vol. IV. pp. 387-513. — Dinwiddie's Letter-Books.

Pennsylvania and Maryland were more immediately concerned, as their frontiers were threatened. In both these colonies the Assemblies passed money bills for general protection, but so clogged with what the governors called attacks upon the prerogative, that they would not sign them. Long feuds had existed between the governors and the Assemblies on this subject of granting money, and the Assemblies were generally adroit enough to connect a full assertion of their claims with those cases, in which the public exigencies were the most urgent, hoping thereby to bring the governors to proper terms, and in this they sometimes succeeded. As the people gave the money, it was said, they ought to be allowed to raise and appropriate it in their own way. To this broad principle the governors objected instructions, prerogative, and precedent .

Governor Dinwiddie's official dignity was severely tried in the affair of the ten thousand pounds, granted by the Virginia legislature. By the bill, making the grant, a committee was appointed to act in concert with the governor in appropriating the money. In writing to the Board of Trade, he says, “I would by no means have given my assent to the bill, if his Majesty's service had not immediately called for a supply.” He averred, that the business of appropriating the money, granted for the defence of the colony, was vested wholly in the hands of the governor.

He wrote at the same time to the Earl of Halifax: — “I am sorry to find the House of Burgesses in a republican way of thinking; and, indeed, they do not act in a proper constitutional way, but make encroachments upon the prerogative of the crown, in which some former governors have submitted too much to them; and, I fear, without a very particular instruction, it will be difficult to bring them to order.” — Dinwiddie's Letter-Books, 12 March, 1754.

SOURCE: Jared Sparks, The Writings of George Washington: Volume 1, p. 6-11

Henry Clay to Judge Francis T. Brooke, December 30, 1801

Lexington, December 30, 1801.

Dear Sir, — I have received as well your letter by Mr. H. Taylor, as the one written a few days after, by the post.

I must request the favor of you to execute a small commission for me. The Acts of the Virginia Legislature, passed prior to the separation of this State, are extremely difficult to be procured, even by collecting fugitive Acts, in this country; but few indeed of the public offices possess entire collections. Will you be so obliging as to obtain for me, if you can, the old revisal, which reaches, I believe, to the year 1766, the Chancellor revisal, and the Acts passed since that, in a regular series to the year 1792. The last is most desired, but I could wish to possess all. Your revisal of 1791 would not answer my purpose, because it contains laws not in force in this country, and, if my recollection serves me, omits to give the respective dates of the passages of each law, all-important in many cases. These books you will be pleased to forward to William Taylor, Esq., merchant, in Baltimore, from whom I can easily procure them; or to either of our representatives in Congress, Mr. Brown, Mr. Breckenridge, Fowler, or Davis, who will contrive some mode for them to get to me. I suppose they may be obtained from the Council Chamber.

What has become of the son of my much regretted friend, your brother? I feel myself under obligations of gratitude to the father, which I should be happy of having an opportunity of discharging to the son. What is the progress he has made in his education? We have in this place an university in a very flourishing condition. Could you not spare him to me in this country for two or three years? I live at a short distance from the buildings, have a small family, and need not add, that from the cheapness of living in this country, his expense to me would be extremely inconsiderable. We have, too, a distant hope of getting Mr. Madison, from William and Mary, to take the management of our seminary. Be pleased to let me hear from you on this subject.
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* Mr. Clay and Judge Brooks, of Fredericksburg, Va., were correspondent: for more than half a century.

SOURCE: Calvin Colton, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Henry Clay, p. 9-10

Friday, January 25, 2019

Thomas Jefferson to the Danbury Baptist Association, January 1, 1802

MEssRs. NEHEMIAH DoDGE, EPHRAIM ROBBINS, AND STEPHEN s. NELsoN, A commITTEE of THE DANBURY BAPTIST AssociaTION, IN THE STATE OF CONNECTICUT.

Gentlemen

The affectionate sentiments of esteem and approbation which you are so good as to express towards me, on behalf of the Danbury Baptist Association, give me the highest satisfaction. My duties dictate a faithful and zealous pursuit of the interests of my constituents, and in proportion as they are persuaded of my fidelity to those duties, the discharge of them becomes more and more pleasing.

Believing with you that religion is a matter which lies solely between man and his God, that he owes account to none other for his faith or his worship, that the legislative powers of government reach actions only, and not opinions, I contemplate with sovereign reverence that act of the whole American people which declared that their legislature should “make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof.” thus building a wall of separation between church and State. Adhering to this expression of the supreme will of the nation in behalf of the rights of conscience, I shall see with sincere satisfaction the progress of those sentiments which tend to restore to man all his natural rights, convinced he has no natural right in opposition to his social duties.

I reciprocate your kind prayers for the protection and blessing of the common Father and Creator of man, and tender you for yourselves and your religious association, assurances of my high respect and esteem.

Th Jefferson
January 1, 1802.

SOURCES: H. A. Washington, Editor, The Writings of Thomas Jefferson: Inaugural addresses and messages. Replies, Volume VIII, Part II, p. 113-4; Library of Congress, Information Bulletin, Vol. 57, No. 6, June 1998.