Washington, D.C.,
March 4, 1817.
I should be destitute of feeling, if I was not deeply
affected by the strong proof which my fellow citizens have given me of their
confidence, in calling me to the high office, whose functions I am about to
assume. As the expression of their good opinion of my conduct in the public
service, I derive from it a gratification, which those who are conscious of
having done all that they could to merit it, can alone feel. My sensibility is
increased by a just estimate of the importance of the trust and of the nature
and extent of its duties; with the proper discharge of which, the highest
interests of a great and free people are intimately connected. Conscious of my
own deficiency, I cannot enter on these duties without great anxiety for the
result. From a just responsibility I will never shrink; calculating with
confidence that in my best efforts to promote the public welfare, my motives
will always be duly appreciated and my conduct be viewed with that candour and
indulgence which I have experienced in other stations.
In commencing the duties of the chief executive office, it
has been the practice of the distinguished men who have gone before me, to
explain the principles which would govern them in their respective
administrations. In following their venerated example, my attention is
naturally drawn to the great causes which have contributed, in a principal
degree, to produce the present happy condition of the United States. They will
best explain the nature of our duties, and shed much light on the policy which
ought to be pursued in future.
From the commencement of our revolution to the present day,
almost forty years have elapsed and from the establishment of this Constitution,
twenty-eight. Through this whole term the Government has been what may
emphatically be called self-government; and what has been the effect? To
whatever object we turn our attention, whether it relates to our foreign or our
domestic concerns, we find abundant cause to felicitate ourselves in the
excellence of our institutions. During a period fraught with difficulties and
marked by very extraordinary events, the United States have flourished beyond
example. Their citizens, individually, have been happy and the Nation
prosperous.
Under this Constitution our commerce has been wisely
regulated with foreign nations and between the States; new States have been
admitted into our Union; our territory has been enlarged, by fair and honorable
treaty, and with great advantage to the original States; the States,
respectively, protected by the National Government, under a mild parental
system, against foreign dangers and enjoying within their separate spheres, by
a wise partition of power, a just proportion of the sovereignty, have improved
their police, extended their settlements, and attained a strength and maturity
which are the best proofs of wholesome laws well administered. And if we look
to the condition of individuals, what a proud spectacle does it exhibit. On
whom has oppression fallen in any quarter of the Union? What has been deprived
of any right of person or property? Who restrained from offering his vows, in
the mode which he prefers, to the Divine Author of his being? It is well known
that all these blessings have been enjoyed in their fullest extent; and I add,
with peculiar satisfaction, that there has been no example of a capital
punishment being inflicted on any one for the crime of high treason.
Some, who might admit the competency of our Government to
these beneficent duties, might doubt it in trials which put to the test its
strength and efficiency as a member of the great community of nations. Here,
too, experience has afforded us the most satisfactory proof in its favour. Just
as this Constitution was put into action, several of the principal States of
Europe had become much agitated, and some of them seriously convulsed.
Destructive wars ensued, which have of late only been terminated. In the course
of these conflicts the United States received great injury from several of the
parties. It was their interest to stand aloof from the contest; to demand
justice from the party committing the injury; and to cultivate by a fair and
honorable conduct, the friendship of all. War became at length inevitable and
the result has shown that our Government is equal to that, the greatest of
trials, under the most unfavorable circumstances. Of the virtue of the people,
and of the heroic exploits of the army, the navy, and the militia I need not
speak.
Such, then, is the happy Government under which we live; a
Government adequate to every purpose for which the social compact is formed; a
Government elective in all its branches, under which every citizen may, by his
merit, obtain the highest trust recognized by the Constitution; which contains
within it no cause of discord; none to put at variance one portion of the
community with another; a Government which protects every citizen in the full
enjoyment of his rights and is able to protect the Nation against injustice
from foreign Powers.
Other considerations of the highest importance admonish us
to cherish our Union, and to cling to the Government which supports it.
Fortunate as we are, in our political institutions, we have not been less so in
other circumstances on which our prosperity and happiness essentially depend.
Situated within the temperate zone and extending through many degrees of
latitude along the Atlantic, the United States enjoy all the varieties of
climate and every production incident to that portion of the globe. Penetrating
internally to the great lakes and beyond the sources of the great rivers which
communicate through our whole interior, no country was ever happier with
respect to its domain. Blessed, too, with a fertile soil, our produce has always
been very abundant, leaving, even in years the least favorable, a surplus for
the wants of our fellow men in other countries. Such is our peculiar felicity,
that there is not a part of our Union that is not particularly interested in
preserving it. The great agricultural interest of the Nation prospers under its
protection. Local interests are not less fostered by it. Our fellow citizens of
the north, engaged in navigation, find great encouragement in being made the
favored carriers of the vast productions of the other portions of the United
States; while the inhabitants of these are amply recompensed in their turn, by
the nursery for seamen and naval force thus formed and reared up for the
support of our common rights. Our manufacturers find a generous encouragement
by the policy which patronizes domestic industry, and the surplus of our
produce a steady and profitable market, by local wants in less favored parts,
at home.
Such, then, being the highly favored condition of our
country it is the interest of every citizen to maintain it. What are the
dangers which menace us? If any exist they ought to be ascertained and guarded
against.
In explaining my sentiments on this subject, it may be
asked, what raised us to the present happy state? How did we accomplish the
revolution? How remedy the defects of the first instrument of our Union, by
diffusing into the National Government sufficient power for national purposes,
without impairing the just rights of the States or affecting those of
individuals? How sustain and pass with glory through the late war?
The Government has been in the hands of the People. To the
People, therefore, and to the faithful and able depositories of their trust, is
the credit due. Had the people of the United States been educated in different
principles; had they been less intelligent, less independent, or less virtuous,
can it be believed that we should have maintained the same steady and
consistent career, or been blessed with the same success? While, then, the
constituent body retains its present sound and healthful state, everything will
be safe. They will choose competent and faithful representatives for every
department. It is only when the People become ignorant and corrupt, when they
degenerate into a populace, that they are incapable of exercising the
sovereignty. Usurpation is then an easy attainment and an usurper soon found.
The People themselves become the willing instruments of their own debasement
and ruin. Let us then look to the great cause and endeavor to preserve it in
full force. Let us, by all wise and constitutional measures, promote
intelligence among the People, as the best means of preserving our liberties.
Dangers from abroad are not less deserving of attention.
Experiencing the fortune of other nations, the United States may be again
involved in war, and it may, in that event be the object of the adverse party
to overset our Government, to break our Union and demolish us as a Nation. Our
distance from Europe, and the just, moderate and pacific policy of our Government,
may form some security against those dangers; but they ought to be anticipated
and guarded against. Many of our citizens are engaged in commerce and
navigation, and all of them are, in a certain degree, dependant on their
prosperous state. Many are engaged in the fisheries. These interests are
exposed to invasion in the wars between other Powers, and we should disregard
the faithful admonition of experience if we did not expect it. We must support
our rights or lose our character, and with it perhaps our liberties. A people
who fail to do it can scarcely be said to hold a place among independent
nations. National honor is National property of the highest value. This
sentiment in the mind of every citizen is National strength: it ought,
therefore, to be cherished.
To secure us against these dangers, our coast and inland
frontiers should be fortified; our army and navy, regulated upon just
principles as to the force of each, be kept in perfect order; and our militia
be placed on the best practicable footing. To put our extensive coast in such a
state of defence as to secure our cities and interior from invasion will be
attended with expense, but the work when finished, will be permanent; and it is
fair to presume that a single campaign of invasion, by a naval force superior
to our own, aided by a few thousand land troops, would expose us to greater
expense, without taking into the estimate the loss of property and distress of
our citizens, than would be sufficient for this great work. Our land and naval
forces should be moderate, but adequate to the necessary purposes: the former
to garrison and preserve our fortifications, and to meet the first invasions of
a foreign foe, and, while constituting the elements of a greater force, to
preserve the science as well as all the necessary implements of war in a state
to be brought into activity in the event of war; the latter, retained within
the limits proper in a state of peace, might aid in maintaining the neutrality
of the United States with dignity in the wars of other Powers, and in saving
the property of our citizens from spoliation. In time of war, with the
enlargement of which the great naval resources of the country render it
susceptible, and which should be duly fostered in time of peace, it would
contribute essentially, both as an auxiliary of defence and as a powerful
engine of annoyance, to diminish the calamities of war, and to bring the war to
a speedy and honorable termination.
But it ought always to be held prominently in view that the
safety of these States and of every thing dear to a free people, must depend in
an eminent degree on the militia. Invasions may be made too formidable to be
resisted by any land and naval force which it would comport either with the
principles of our Government or the circumstances of the United States to
maintain. In such cases recourse must be had to the great body of the People
and in a manner to produce the best effect. It is of the highest importance,
therefore, that they be so organized and trained as to be prepared for any
emergency. The arrangement should be such as to put at the command of the
Government the ardent patriotism and youthful vigor of the country. If formed
on equal and just principles, it cannot be oppressive. It is the crisis which
makes the pressure, and not the laws, which provide a remedy for it. This
arrangement should be formed, too, in time of peace to be the better prepared
for war. With such an organization of such a people the United States have
nothing to dread from foreign invasion. At its approach, an overwhelming force
of gallant men might always be put in motion.
Other interests of high importance will claim attention;
among which the improvement of our country by roads and canals, proceeding
always with a constitutional sanction, holds a distinguished place. By thus facilitating
the intercourse between the States we shall add much to the convenience and
comfort of our fellow citizens; much to the ornament of the country; and what
is of greater importance, we shall shorten distances, and by making each part
more accessible to and dependant on the other, we shall bind the Union more
closely together. Nature has done so much for us by intersecting the country
with so many great rivers, bays and lakes, approaching from distant points so
near to each other, that the inducement to complete the work seems to be
peculiarly strong. A more interesting spectacle was perhaps never seen than is
exhibited within the limits of the United States — a territory so vast and
advantageously situated, containing objects so grand, so useful, so happily
connected in all their parts.
Our manufacturers will likewise require the systematic and
fostering care of the Government. Possessing, as we do, all the raw materials,
the fruit of our own soil and industry, we ought not to depend in the degree we
have done, on supplies from other countries. While we are thus dependant, the
sudden event of war, unsought and unexpected cannot fail to plunge us into the
most serious difficulties. It is important, too, that the capital which
nourishes our manufacturers should be domestic, as its influence in that case,
instead of exhausting, as it may do in foreign hands, would be felt
advantageously on agriculture and every other branch of industry. Equally
important is it to provide at home a market for our raw materials, as, by
extending the competition, it will enhance the price, and protect the
cultivation against the casualties incident to foreign markets.
With the Indian tribes it is our duty to cultivate friendly
relations and to act with kindness and liberality in all our transactions.
Equally proper is it to persevere in our efforts to extend to them the
advantages of civilization.
The great amount of our revenue, and the flourishing state
of the Treasury are a full proof of the competency of the National resources
for any emergency, as they are of the willingness of our fellow citizens to
bear the burdens which the public necessities require. The vast amount of
vacant lands, the value of which daily augments forms an additional resource of
great extent and duration. These resources, besides accomplishing every other
necessary purpose, put it completely in the power of the United States to
discharge the National debt at an early period. Peace is the best time for
improvement and preparation of every kind; it is in peace that our commerce
flourishes most, that taxes are most easily paid, and that the revenue is most
productive.
The Executive is charged, officially, in the departments
under it, with the disbursement of the public money and is responsible for the
faithful application of it to the purposes for which it is raised. The
Legislature is the watchful guardian over the Public purse. It is its duty to
see that the disbursement has been honestly made. To meet the requisite
responsibility, every facility should be afforded to the Executive to enable it
to bring the public agents intrusted with the public money strictly and
promptly to account. Nothing should be presumed against them; but if, with the
requisite facilities, the public money is suffered to lie long and uselessly in
their hands, they will not be the only defaulters, nor will the demoralizing
effect be confined to them. It will evince a relaxation and want of tone in the
administration, which will be felt by the whole community. I shall do all I can
to secure economy and fidelity in this important branch of the administration,
and I doubt not that the Legislature will perform its duty with equal zeal. A
thorough examination should be regularly made, and I will promote it.
It is particularly gratifying to me to enter on the
discharge of these duties at a time when the United States are blessed with
peace. It is a state most consistent with their prosperity and happiness. It
will be my sincere desire to preserve it, so far as depends on the Executive,
on just principles with all nations — claiming nothing unreasonable of any and
rendering to each what is its due.
Equally gratifying is it to witness the increased harmony of
opinion which pervades our Union. Discord does not belong to our system. Union is
recommended, as well by the free and benign principles of our Government,
extending its blessings to every individual, as by the other eminent advantages
attending it. The American People have encountered great dangers, and sustained
severe trials with success. They constitute one great family with a common
interest. Experience has enlightened us on some questions of essential
importance to the country. The progress has been slow, dictated by a just
reflection, and a faithful regard to every interest connected with us. To
promote this harmony, in accord with the principles of our Republican
Government, and in a manner to give them the most complete effect, and to
advance in all other respects the best interests of our Union, will be the
object of my constant and zealous attentions.
Never did a Government commence under auspices so favorable,
nor ever was success so complete. If we look to the history of other Nations,
ancient or modern, we find no example of a growth so rapid — so gigantic; of a
people so prosperous and happy. In contemplating what we have still to perform,
the heart of every citizen must expand with joy, when he reflects how near our
Government has approached to perfection; that, in respect to it, we have no
essential improvement to make; that the great object is to preserve it in the
essential principles and features which characterize it, and that that is to be
done by preserving the virtue and enlightening the minds of the people; and, as
a security against foreign dangers, to adopt such arrangements as are
indispensable to the support of our independence, our rights and liberties. If
we persevere in the career in which we have advanced so far, and in the path
already traced, we cannot fail, under the favor of a gracious Providence, to attain
the high destiny which seems to await us.
In the administrations of the illustrious men who have
preceded me in this high station, with some of whom I have been connected by
the closest ties from early life, examples are presented which will always be
found highly instructive and useful to their successors. From these I shall
endeavor to derive all the advantages which they may afford. Of my immediate
predecessor, under whom so important a portion of this great and successful
experiment has been made, I shall be pardoned for expressing my earnest wishes
that he may long enjoy, in his retirement, the affections of a grateful country
— the best reward of exalted talents and the most faithful and meritorious
services. Relying on the aid to be derived from the other departments of the
Government, I enter on the trust to which I have been called by the suffrages
of my fellow citizens, with my fervent prayers to the Almighty that he will be
graciously pleased to continue to us that protection which He has already so
conspicuously displayed in our favor.
SOURCE: Stanislaus Murray Hamilton, Editor, The Writings of James Monroe, Volume 6:
1817-1823, p. 6- 14
