Fellow-citizens: Under Providence I have been called a
second time to act as Executive over this great nation. It has been my endeavor
in the past to maintain all the laws, and, so far as lay in my power, to act
for the best interests of the whole people. My best efforts will be given in
the same direction in the future, aided, I trust, by my four years’ experience
in the office.
When my first term of the office of Chief Executive began,
the country had not recovered from the effects of a great internal revolution,
and three of the former States of the Union had not been restored to their
Federal relations.
It seemed to me wise that no new questions should be raised
so long as that condition of affairs existed. Therefore the past four years, so
far as I could control events, have been consumed in the effort to restore
harmony, public credit, commerce, and all the arts of peace and progress. It is
my firm conviction that the civilized world is tending toward republicanism, or
government by the people through their chosen representatives, and that our own
great Republic is destined to be the guiding star to all others.
Under our Republic we support an army less than that of any European
power of any standing and a navy less than that of either of at least five of
them. There could be no extension of territory on the continent which would
call for an increase of this force, but rather might such extension enable us
to diminish it.
The theory of government changes with general progress. Now
that the telegraph is made available for communicating thought, together with
rapid transit by steam, all parts of a continent are made contiguous for all
purposes of government, and communication between the extreme limits of the
country made easier than it was throughout the old thirteen States at the
beginning of our national existence.
The effects of the late civil strife have been to free the
slave and make him a citizen. Yet he is not possessed of the civil rights which
citizenship should carry with it. This is wrong, and should be corrected. To
this correction I stand committed, so far as Executive influence can avail.
Social equality is not a subject to be legislated upon, nor
shall I ask that anything be done to advance the social status of the colored
man, except to give him a fair chance to develop what there is good in him,
give him access to the schools, and when he travels let him feel assured that
his conduct will regulate the treatment and fare he will receive.
The States lately at war with the General Government are now
happily rehabilitated, and no Executive control is exercised in any one of them
that would not be exercised in any other State under like circumstances.
In the first year of the past Administration the proposition
came up for the admission of Santo Domingo as a Territory of the Union. It was
not a question of my seeking, but was a proposition from the people of Santo
Domingo, and which I entertained. I believe now, as I did then, that it was for
the best interest of this country, for the people of Santo Domingo, and all
concerned that the proposition should be received favorably. It was, however,
rejected constitutionally, and therefore the subject was never brought up again
by me.
In future, while I hold my present office, the subject of
acquisition of territory must have the support of the people before I will
recommend any proposition looking to such acquisition. I say here, however,
that I do not share in the apprehension held by many as to the danger of
governments becoming weakened and destroyed by reason of their extension of
territory. Commerce, education, and rapid transit of thought and matter by
telegraph and steam have changed all this. Rather do I believe that our Great
Maker is preparing the world, in His own good time, to become one nation,
speaking one language, and when armies and navies will be no longer required.
My efforts in the future will be directed to the restoration
of good feeling between the different sections of our common country; to the
restoration of our currency to a fixed value as compared with the world's
standard of values — gold — and, if possible, to a par with it; to the
construction of cheap routes of transit throughout the land, to the end that
the products of all may find a market and leave a living remuneration to the
producer; to the maintenance of friendly relations with all our neighbors and
with distant nations; to the reestablishment of our commerce and share in the
carrying trade upon the ocean; to the encouragement of such manufacturing
industries as can be economically pursued in this country, to the end that the
exports of home products and industries may pay for our imports — the only sure
method of returning to and permanently maintaining a specie basis; to the
elevation of labor; and, by a humane course, to bring the aborigines of the
country under the benign influences of education and civilization. It is either
this or war of extermination. Wars of extermination, engaged in by people
pursuing commerce and all industrial pursuits, are expensive even against the
weakest people, and are demoralizing and wicked. Our superiority of strength
and advantages of civilization should make us lenient toward the Indian. The
wrong inflicted upon him should be taken into account and the balance placed to
his credit. The moral view of the question should be considered and the
question asked, Can not the Indian be made a useful and productive member of
society by proper teaching and treatment? If the effort is made in good faith,
we will stand better before the civilized nations of the earth and in our own
consciences for having made it.
All these things are not to be accomplished by one
individual, but they will receive my support, and such recommendations to
Congress as will in my judgment best serve to carry them into effect. I beg
your support and encouragement.
It has been, and is, my earnest desire to correct abuses
that have grown up in the civil service of the country. To secure this
reformation rules regulating methods of appointment and promotions were
established and have been tried. My efforts for such reformation shall be
continued to the best of my judgment. The spirit of the rules adopted will be
maintained.
I acknowledge before this assemblage, representing, as it
does, every section of our country, the obligation I am under to my countrymen
for the great honor they have conferred on me by returning me to the highest
office within their gift, and the further obligation resting on me to render to
them the best services within my power. This I promise, looking forward with
the greatest anxiety to the day when I shall be released from responsibilities
that at times are almost overwhelming, and from which I have scarcely had a
respite since the eventful firing upon Fort Sumter, in April, 1861, to the
present day. My services were then tendered and accepted under the first call
for troops growing out of that event.
I did not ask for place or position, and was entirely
without influence or the acquaintance of persons of influence, but was resolved
to perform my part in a struggle threatening the very existence of the nation.
I performed a conscientious duty, without asking promotion or command, and
without a revengeful feeling toward any section or individual.
Notwithstanding this, throughout the war, and from my
candidacy for my present office in 1868 to the close of the last Presidential
campaign, I have been the subject of abuse and slander scarcely ever equaled in
political history, which to-day I feel that I can afford to disregard in view
of your verdict, which I gratefully accept as my vindication.
SOURCE: James D. Richardson, Editor, A Compilation of the Messages and Papers of the Presidents, Volume
9, p. 4175-7
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